In
recent years the Justice Department’s white-collar agenda has been marked by skyrocketing corporate
settlements due in large part to the government’s increased reliance on Deferred
Prosecution Agreements (DPAs). The use of these and similar agreements continue
to be an essential enforcement tool for the U.S. Department of Justice and have become a hallmark of the government’s
response to white-collar crime under the leadership of Attorney General Eric
Holder.
The types
of white-collar cases that usually warrant DPAs also involve lengthy and
expensive trials which consume much of the governments’ resources. Deferred Prosecution
Agreements allow authorities to utilize these scarce resources more efficiently. Perhaps most useful to the
government are the significant fines DPAs typically result in, which then can
be used to help fund further judicial enforcement. Given the potential benefits
to the government, some believe it is only a matter of time before DPAs become
the standard means of corporate prosecution.
Corporations
may feel particularly vulnerable to DPAs based on two key factors: vicarious
corporate criminal liability, and the collateral consequences of the initial
indictment prior to, and independent of, any eventual conviction. The first
factor began as a trend over a decade ago when Larry Thompson, then Deputy U.S.
Attorney General, exhorted federal prosecutors to use vicarious liability to
extract favorable settlements to reform corporate defendants from the outside.
The Thompson
memorandum insisted that corporations
receive a temporary reprieve only if they pay restitution, purge themselves of
individual wrongdoers, and agree to walk the straight and narrow under
heightened scrutiny and compliance mandates.
The second factor, collateral consequences of the
initial indictment, is of particular concern to corporations. Simply filing an indictment
or threatening the suspension of licenses and permits by state and federal
regulators may trigger huge collateral repercussions sufficient to drive the
firm out of business. While a conviction carries at most a million-dollar fine,
the indictment determined at the prosecutor's discretion threatens incalculable
monetary losses.
In
one notable agreement, Bristol-Myers Squibb was caught with a potential securities violation for
inflating its quarterly earnings using the deceptive business practice known as
“channel stuffing”. Certain BMS staff falsely instructed distributors to purchase
large amounts of BMS products up front, with the understanding that down the
road they could return the excess for a refund. The alleged securities
violation arose from the overstated earnings in their quarterly report with no accounting
for the contingent liability for the future returns.
Bristol-Myers Squibb agreed, under the DPA, to pay a $100
million fine and make contributions of $350 million to a fund for present and
former shareholders. BMS also agreed to purge its ranks of the parties
responsible for the scheme. The agreement also required BMS to exhibit "exemplary
corporate citizenship," which took the form of a compliance monitor. This
essentially authorized former federal district court judge Frederick B. Lacey to
attend all corporate meetings and review all documents, and report his findings
to the New Jersey Attorney General. Furthermore, BMS was ordered to restructure its internal operations and
appoint a new Chief Compliance Officer to assist Mr. Lacey.
However,
DPAs may erode the most
elementary protections of criminal law by turning the prosecutor into judge and
jury, which Judge Richard Leon of the
District of Columbia described as "promot[ing] disrespect for the law." Judge
Leon unprecedentedly rejected a federal DPA involving Fokker Services. Under the
DPA, Fokker agreed to pay $21 million in penalties for violating sanctions of the
Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) involving Burma, Sudan, and Iran. The alleged
violations occurred between 2005 and 2010, during which time Fokker fulfilled almost
1200 shipments of aircraft parts to customers in the prohibited countries,
primarily Iran.
Judge
Leon asserted the Court’s “supervisory power” to reject the proposed DPA, specifically citing the gravity and pervasiveness of the conduct and the leniency of the
penalty imposed on the company. The fine of $21 million matched the total
revenue from the illegal transactions, ignoring any damages. The Court also cited the failure to prosecute individuals, or even impose disciplinary measures on
employees involved in the wrongdoing who remained employed
at the company.
By requiring a
corporation to surrender their autonomy in addition to levying hefty fines, the
use of DPAs may generate enough backlash from the private sector to convince
the DOJ to limit the use of DPAs to a case-by-case basis. Alternatively, the
use of such agreements continues to prove the most cost efficient method of
prosecution, allowing the DOJ to handle more cases and instill more corporate compliance.
If this trend continues as expected, navigating Deferred Prosecution Agreements
may become a necessary skill of the criminal law practitioner.
Michael
Coburn
Staffer,
Criminal Law Practitioner
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