On
Tuesday, July 10, 2012, the International Criminal Court (ICC) sentenced Thomas
Lubanga, a Congolese warlord, to fourteen years in prison for the war crime of
enlisting child soldiers under the age of fifteen. The verdict comes after a controversial six-year proceeding delayed
by the failure to disclose potentially exculpatory information by the former ICC
Prosecutor, Luis Moreno-Ocampo, as well as accusations of testimony fabrication
at the hands of prosecutorial intermediaries.
The
prosecution contended that Lubanga was the leader of UPC and FPLC, ethnic
militia groups active in the Ituri region in 1999, and that he personally took
part in recruiting and training children to be used in active armed
combat. The defense adamantly
questioned whether any of the thirty-six prosecutorial witnesses were actually
child soldiers conscripted by Lubanga. In fact, many who testified in open session did not link
Lubanga directly to the military command of the militia. The only witness
thought to have been a child soldier conscripted by Lubanga rescinded his
testimony before the court, stating that the testimony he was due to give had
been fabricated with the assistance of an intermediary of ICC prosecutorial
investigators. The defense also
denied criminal responsibility by arguing that Lubanga did not have an active
military part and instead, implemented children demobilization measures. The Trial Chamber unanimously found
Lubanga guilty of conscription and enlistment, whether coercive or voluntary,
and of using child soldiers.
For
a brief moment, his words seemed convincing and rang true -- why should a panel
of three judges, completely removed from the situation and the people, judge a
man against whom the evidence is circumstantial? Yet, the gravity of the accusation rendered any kind of
justification senseless. Whether
purposeful or accidental, Lubanga knew that there were child soldiers under his
command, and the Court found that he utilized their services. His failure to address the purpose of
the hearing – the term of years he should spend imprisoned for the crimes he
was convicted of – demonstrated not only that he did not believe himself to be
guilty, but that he felt no remorse. Moreno-Ocampo recommended a reduced sentence of twenty years
if Lubanga would apologize for his actions. However, Lubanga did not seem to
even entertain the thought.
Lubanga
was the first person tried by the ICC since its inception in 2002 under the
1998 Rome Statute. The ICC is the
world’s first permanent court with jurisdiction over serious international
crimes such as genocide, war crimes, and crimes against the humanity. The ICC is revolutionary in its
approach to victim participation and recognition of individual criminal
responsibility. There are currently
fifteen cases in seven situations pending before the ICC. The Lubanga case exemplifies the issues
the Court will have to work out in order to prove most effective; however, as a
Court of complimentarity, the greatest hurdle is one of recognition. States not party to the Rome Statute
are not subject to the Court’s jurisdiction unless they willingly submit or are
ordered to by the UN Security Counsel under Chapter VII powers, which makes the
ICC a “court of last resort.” The
Lubanga sentence demonstrates the willingness of the Court to try and convict
international criminals, but the effectiveness of the Court is yet to be
determined as it lies in the hands of the international community.
Elena
Gekker
Blogger,
Criminal Law Brief
Image by: WITNESS.org
Great blog Elena, hopefully this court will bring others to justice who have in the past, perhaps gotten away with crimes.
ReplyDeleteWell, that's another interesting part of how the ICC was set up. It can only prosecute for crimes committed after the State signed onto the Rome Statute, with the earliest being 1998. Which, in essence, overlooks any crime committed prior to that which is not already under the jurisdiction of any of the ad hoc and hybrid tribunals. And the question of the efficacy of ICC still stands. The US still has not ratified the Statute. And a permanent member of the UNSC, it is doubtful that the US would ever issue a Ch. VII Resolution mandating ICC jurisdiction onto itself. And if one of the most powerful nations refuses ICC jurisdiction, it doesn't give much faith to the endeavor. Similar to, in many ways, Wilson and the League of Nations. However, the crucial difference is this case and the fact that the ICC has the support of many other States. It'll be interesting to see what happens in the next 10 or so years especially when more trials are occurring.
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